Wednesday, September 28, 2011

Knowing All About King Solomon





Re: ANYONE KNOW ANYTHING ABOUT KING SOLOMON?


Solomon as Senenmut - Fascination with History



Taken from: http://www.godlikeproductions.com/forum1/message313102/pg1




Senenmut in the Hebrew Sources and the Compelling Reasons to Regard Solomon and Hatshepsut as Contemporaries

Compared to what we could write about Senenmut, the Biblical information of the activities of Solomon during the second half of his 40 year reign are meager indeed. We believe that the reason for that fact may be that he indeed may have spent much of this time in Egypt as Senenmut, the confidant and architect of the Egypt under his friend, Queen/Pharaoh Hatshepsut. In traveling to Egypt he followed the footsteps of his ancestors, Abraham and Jacob. Solomon also may have admired the patriarch Joseph and what he did for Egypt and his people. As far as the name `slmn (slmh)' and `snnmt' is concerned for most of the history of Egypt the `t' sound was not pronounced leaving us with `snnm-' or by the rules of transliteration `slnm' which is the same as `slmn' when writing only consonants.


Senmut's Call
From one of the statuettes of Senenmut we gather that Hatshepsut had called (The word used is `commanded') him into the land of Egypt following the death of Thutmose II.
"I was in this land under her command since the occurrence of the death of her predecessor..." That statement, combined with Senmut's information that his `ancestors were not found in writing', or also translated as "whose name is not to be found among the annals of the ancestors' indicates to us that Senenmut was not of Egyptian origins.

Other possible hints that Senenmut was a foreigner in Egypt was his fascination with the Egyptian language, his `idiosyncrasies in regard to the uncommon substitution of certain hieroglyphics' and his penchant for creating cryptograms as for example to the throne name of Hatshepsut, `Make-ra'.

1. P.Dorman, `The Monuments of Senenmut', (London, 1988), op. cit., p. 175.
2. J. Baike, `A History of Egypt' (London, 1929), Vol. II, p. 80.
3. Dorman, op. cit., p. 138, 165.
In the revision it also comes to light that Senmut's arrival `in this land of Egypt' was a direct result of Hatshepsut's visit to Jerusalem as the Queen of Sheba. We read:

"King Solomon gave to the Queen of Sheba all that she desired, whatever she asked." 1.Kings 10:13

The Queen of Sheba had hung on Solomon's every word. She had been so convinced by what he had to tell her that "there was no more spirit in her." 1.Kings 10:3,5

What impressed the Queen most during her visit in Jerusalem, apart from his renowned wisdom? It was Solomon's palace, his officials and how things were organized and maintained, his fleet of merchant mariners (1.Kings 10:11), his parks and gardens (Song of Songs 5:1; 6:2), the Temple and its sacrifices (1.Kings 10:4-5); in short, Solomon's civil and religious administration. Interestingly enough we also find in Egypt from this revised time for Enene and Rekhmire for example, the latter being the famous vizier of Thutmose III, a new emphasize to illustrate their garden in their tomb art. His was the age of silver which he received in great abundance, 1.Kings 11:27; 2.Chronicles 1:15. In fact so much so, that we are told that he made the floor to walk on in his palace of shining silver. [1500] Not only did Solomon use silver in abundance in his constructions but the other viziers, Senenmut/Solomon's associates, did too.

Another highly placed official in the days of Hatshepsut was Ineni who wrote:

"Her majesty praised me, she loved me, she recognized my worth at her court, she presented me with things, she magnified me, she filled my house with silver and gold, with all beautiful stuffs of the royal house." [1600]

Thutiy, Senenmut's right hand man, his titles were:

"Hereditary prince, count, overseer of the double house-silver, overseer of the double gold-house, great favorite of the Lord of Two Lands, Thutiy. ..."

Works in Deir el-Bahari

"`Most Splendid' the temple of myriads of years; its great doors fashioned of black copper, the inlaid figures of electrum.
`Khikhet', the great seat of Amon, his horizon in the west; all its doors of real cedar, wrought with bronze.
`The house of Amon', his enduring horizon for eternity; its floor wrought with gold and silver; its beauty was like the horizon of heaven.
`a great shrine' of ebony of Nubia; the stairs beneath it, high and wide, of pure alabaster of Hatnub.
`Palace' of the god, wrought with gold and [silver]; it illuminated the faces (of people) with its brightness." [1700]

Senenmut himself wrote:

"I was a foreman of foremen, superior of the great, [overseer] of all [works] of the house of silver, conductor of every handicraft, chief of the prophets of Montu in Hermonthis, Senenmut." [1800]

For we read: "And all king Solomon's drinking vessels were of gold, and all the vessels of the house of the forest of Lebanon were pure gold; none were of silver: it was nothing accounted of in the days of Solomon." 1.Kings 10:21. Is it just coincident that silver was also abundantly available in the days of Hatshepsut? Could it be that Solomon just worked the same way he had done in Israel? The court of Solomon consumed in one day "30 measures of fine flour, 60 measures of meal, 10 fat oxen, and 20 oxen out of the pastures, and 100 sheep, beside harts, and roebucks, and fellowdeer, and fatted fowl..." 1.Kings 4:22,23; [60 `measures' is probably 185 bushels or 6.6 kiloliters. `Meal' is another type of flower, `harts' are elk, `roebucks' are deer bucks, `fellowdeer' are probably gazelles.] In other words Solomon's court was the size of a city.

Some might argue that this is nothing special for Israel and if Solomon was such a great personality in Israel where is the evidence? To this we replay that the wealth and evidence of Jerusalem and of all Judah and Israel has been robbed from them by Thutmose III/Shishak, the local population, countless intrusions by enemies, destructions and occupations.


The Fame of Senenmut/Solomon

It would be quite a natural plan on the part of the Queen to look for support in her sudden rise to the political forefront in Egypt upon the death of the king. Just like Solomon had risen to kingship while still quite young, so she too. And we know that the one person who probably contributed most to her success in government was her chief steward, Senenmut, a canny politician and a brilliant administrator who rose to become the Queen's most favored official. No one besides Solomon was better qualified for this position. How totally his interests gravitated away from Israel and toward Egypt may perhaps best be understood by the influence Egyptian Women may have had on him.

That Hatshepsut indeed regarded Senenmut as her mentor is confirmed by an inscription found on one of his Cairo statues according to which Senenmut was one "whose opinion [Hatshpesut] desired for [herself], who pleases the mistress of [Egypt] with his utterances." [1900]

In these statements we learn that Senenmut was both, `chief spokesman of her estates' meaning the material wealth and properties of the royal household were placed under his supervision, and `judge in the entire land' of Egypt.

Similarly, Solomon was called `judge' in and of Israel. [1.Kings 3:9]

He was a Tutor
The block statues of Senenmut cradling Neferrure in his arms are well known. As far as Solomon is concerned the biblical book of the Proverbs of Solomon are eloquent enough to realize that Solomon also was an educator often addressing the young to make good choices. [2000]

Senmut's Successes
The period of Solomon/Senmut's activities in Egypt would fall during the last half of his time as King over Israel, and during the first 2/3 of the reign of Hatshepsut. Both Solomon's years of serving the God of Israel and his apostasy ought to be reflected in his abundant inscriptions. Senenmut as the chief architect was a natural choice considering his experience gained from building the terraced Temple of Jerusalem also using square pillars. Comparing this information with the construction of the mortuary temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el Bahari also built on three terraces and employing square pillars explains the history of these edifices quite well. Local conditions required the approaches to the Jerusalem temple to be constructed on ascending platforms. As a result of that the Songs of Mounting (Shir ha-maaloth; in German `Lied im höheren Chor'), which are included among the Psalms, were sung by priests while ascending the terraces leading up to the temple proper. [2100]

The imagery of the swallow

The incidental mention of the swallow occurs only once in the writings of Solomon. We read in context:

"As snow in summer, and as rain in harvest, so honour is not seemly for a fool. As the bird by wandering, as the swallow by flying, so the curse causeless shall not come." Proverbs 26:1-2.

In ancient Egyptian imagery archaeologists found at times a tiny, standing or crouching swallow with a sun disk adorning garments (kilts). Such a swallow was found `attached to the lower border of the hip drape' on a relief block of Amenhotep III, on a sheet-gold belt of Tutankhamon (as a stylistically represented swallow) and on a relief of the Osiris complex of the temple of Seti the Great at Abydos. [2200]

The hieroglyphic image of a swallow without a sun disc occurs in a group of hieroglyphic characters transliterated as the `Arch-seer', at Heliopolis, and in words relating to priests, ie. ura herp hem, priests in the service of Ptah. [2300]

Perhaps Solomon knew something about Egypt to explain this feature and the Solomonic allusion holds the secret to the meaning of the Egyptian swallow with a sun disc and written by itself - to hold off or divert a curse.

Senmut's Administration
For all the genious Solomon displayed the resources of his people were too few to sustain such affluence of life style and government for very long. Heavy taxation became the norm in Israel and led to the dissolution of the state during the reign of his son Rehoboam.

Solomon's/Senmut's Religious Functions
Like Solomon was a king and also acted the part of a priest (1.Kings 8:22), so Senmut's chief role was also a religious one.

Solomon's/Senmut's Actions Abroad
During the last 15-16 years of Solomon he was a world wide trader.
1. He shared the trade of the `ships of Tarshish' with Hiram of Tyre, 1.Kings 10:11.
2. He received gifts worldwide from the 'kings of the earth', 1.Kings 10:23-25.
3. He imported horses and chariots and then resold them to the kings of Syria and the Hittites, 1.Kings 10:28-29 (transl. from the Zürcher Transl.) [2350].


"And Solomon had horses brought out of Egypt (`Mizraim') and Qoa (Qwh) ..."
4. The scriptures give no clear indication that Solomon was in Jerusalem during any of this time.
Similarly Senenmut wrote:
"...The labor of all countries was under my charge." [2400]

A wooden grip with a square hole on one end was found bearing this hieroglyphic inscription: "Captain of Senenmut, Nb-irj". [2500]

According to the examiner, traces of leather reams in the hole show that this was used as a whip. However, it could also have been a whip used to drive a team of horses.

This reminds us of the words: "... upon those did Solomon levy a tribute of bondservice to this day; but of the children of Israel did Solomon make no bondmen". [1.Kings 9:21,22]

Numerous sherds (ostraca) were also found bearing the name `Senenmut'. The most important one reads: (verso) .... wdnt-bread-container ... 1; incense for offerings, 2 vessels; and (hr?) variouses breads, 300; mr pr R3-3w znw-bread, 1; wdnt-bread-container, 1; shn-bread, 2; small bird, 1; incense for offering, 2 vessels; 2; ... znw-bread, 1
(recto) year 16, 1. month 3ht, 8. day. Assigning of workers for the necropolis (sdmw-s) of Senenmut under two overseers. Those belonging to Ipr-wr: captain Mcj ... untill the 1. month 3ht 11. day; captain Dj.f-drt ...f; Msw; Minj; Sm-hr; Imn-m-h3t, all together 6;"[2600]

This incidental year seems to indicate that Solomon/Senenmut fulfilled his functions for at least that length of time.

Senenmut, the Architect
Just like Solomon began to use forced labor in Israel to accomplish his many constructions so Senenmut too was both, `foreman and overseer' of Egyptian work gangs. He was involved in the construction of the temples of Karnak, Luxor, Deir el Bahari and Armant.

Among artifacts found were also stones bearing the name of Solomon/Senenmut as a dedication: "The mr pr Nb-ntrw for mr pr Senenmut, the overseer of the stone masons Thutmosis", or "His beloved brother Amenemhet" [2700]

The here represented titles of Solomon/Senenmut (mr pr), still ingratiated with things Egyptian, are regarded as pertaining to his functions in the temple of Amun.

The name of Senenmut was also found on foundation stones underneath the Hathor chapel at Deir-el-Bahari. It says: "The good god `Mt-k-r', beloved of Hathor, the first of Thebes, located at Dsr-dsrw, mr pr Senenmut" [2800]

The appearance of the name of a king (Hatshepsut/Makere) together with Senenmut on stones like this is unique in the history of Egypt.

Senmut's Temple
The Astronomical Ceiling
The great versatility of Senenmut/Solomon is revealed in the paintings of his funerary complex [2850].

In the revision it also comes to light that Senmut's arrival `in this land of Egypt' was a direct result of Hatshepsut's visit to Jerusalem as the Queen of Sheba. We read:

"King Solomon gave to the Queen of Sheba all that she desired, whatever she asked." 1.Kings 10:13

The Queen of Sheba had hung on Solomon's every word. She had been so convinced by what he had to tell her that "there was no more spirit in her." 1.Kings 10:3,5

What impressed the Queen most during her visit in Jerusalem, apart from his renowned wisdom? It was Solomon's palace, his officials and how things were organized and maintained, his fleet of merchant mariners (1.Kings 10:11), his parks and gardens (Song of Songs 5:1; 6:2), the Temple and its sacrifices (1.Kings 10:4-5); in short, Solomon's civil and religious administration. Interestingly enough we also find in Egypt from this revised time for Enene and Rekhmire for example, the latter being the famous vizier of Thutmose III, a new emphasize to illustrate their garden in their tomb art. His was the age of silver which he received in great abundance, 1.Kings 11:27; 2.Chronicles 1:15. In fact so much so, that we are told that he made the floor to walk on in his palace of shining silver. [1500] Not only did Solomon use silver in abundance in his constructions but the other viziers, Senenmut/Solomon's associates, did too.

Another highly placed official in the days of Hatshepsut was Ineni who wrote:

"Her majesty praised me, she loved me, she recognized my worth at her court, she presented me with things, she magnified me, she filled my house with silver and gold, with all beautiful stuffs of the royal house." [1600]

Thutiy, Senenmut's right hand man, his titles were:

"Hereditary prince, count, overseer of the double house-silver, overseer of the double gold-house, great favorite of the Lord of Two Lands, Thutiy. ..."

Works in Deir el-Bahari

"`Most Splendid' the temple of myriads of years; its great doors fashioned of black copper, the inlaid figures of electrum.
`Khikhet', the great seat of Amon, his horizon in the west; all its doors of real cedar, wrought with bronze.
`The house of Amon', his enduring horizon for eternity; its floor wrought with gold and silver; its beauty was like the horizon of heaven.
`a great shrine' of ebony of Nubia; the stairs beneath it, high and wide, of pure alabaster of Hatnub.
`Palace' of the god, wrought with gold and [silver]; it illuminated the faces (of people) with its brightness." [1700]

Senenmut himself wrote:

"I was a foreman of foremen, superior of the great, [overseer] of all [works] of the house of silver, conductor of every handicraft, chief of the prophets of Montu in Hermonthis, Senenmut." [1800]

For we read: "And all king Solomon's drinking vessels were of gold, and all the vessels of the house of the forest of Lebanon were pure gold; none were of silver: it was nothing accounted of in the days of Solomon." 1.Kings 10:21. Is it just coincident that silver was also abundantly available in the days of Hatshepsut? Could it be that Solomon just worked the same way he had done in Israel? The court of Solomon consumed in one day "30 measures of fine flour, 60 measures of meal, 10 fat oxen, and 20 oxen out of the pastures, and 100 sheep, beside harts, and roebucks, and fellowdeer, and fatted fowl..." 1.Kings 4:22,23; [60 `measures' is probably 185 bushels or 6.6 kiloliters. `Meal' is another type of flower, `harts' are elk, `roebucks' are deer bucks, `fellowdeer' are probably gazelles.] In other words Solomon's court was the size of a city.

Some might argue that this is nothing special for Israel and if Solomon was such a great personality in Israel where is the evidence? To this we replay that the wealth and evidence of Jerusalem and of all Judah and Israel has been robbed from them by Thutmose III/Shishak, the local population, countless intrusions by enemies, destructions and occupations.


The Fame of Senenmut/Solomon

It would be quite a natural plan on the part of the Queen to look for support in her sudden rise to the political forefront in Egypt upon the death of the king. Just like Solomon had risen to kingship while still quite young, so she too. And we know that the one person who probably contributed most to her success in government was her chief steward, Senenmut, a canny politician and a brilliant administrator who rose to become the Queen's most favored official. No one besides Solomon was better qualified for this position. How totally his interests gravitated away from Israel and toward Egypt may perhaps best be understood by the influence Egyptian Women may have had on him.

That Hatshepsut indeed regarded Senenmut as her mentor is confirmed by an inscription found on one of his Cairo statues according to which Senenmut was one "whose opinion [Hatshpesut] desired for [herself], who pleases the mistress of [Egypt] with his utterances." [1900]

In these statements we learn that Senenmut was both, `chief spokesman of her estates' meaning the material wealth and properties of the royal household were placed under his supervision, and `judge in the entire land' of Egypt.

Similarly, Solomon was called `judge' in and of Israel. [1.Kings 3:9]

He was a Tutor
The block statues of Senenmut cradling Neferrure in his arms are well known. As far as Solomon is concerned the biblical book of the Proverbs of Solomon are eloquent enough to realize that Solomon also was an educator often addressing the young to make good choices. [2000]

Senmut's Successes
The period of Solomon/Senmut's activities in Egypt would fall during the last half of his time as King over Israel, and during the first 2/3 of the reign of Hatshepsut. Both Solomon's years of serving the God of Israel and his apostasy ought to be reflected in his abundant inscriptions. Senenmut as the chief architect was a natural choice considering his experience gained from building the terraced Temple of Jerusalem also using square pillars. Comparing this information with the construction of the mortuary temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el Bahari also built on three terraces and employing square pillars explains the history of these edifices quite well. Local conditions required the approaches to the Jerusalem temple to be constructed on ascending platforms. As a result of that the Songs of Mounting (Shir ha-maaloth; in German `Lied im höheren Chor'), which are included among the Psalms, were sung by priests while ascending the terraces leading up to the temple proper. [2100]

The imagery of the swallow

The incidental mention of the swallow occurs only once in the writings of Solomon. We read in context:

"As snow in summer, and as rain in harvest, so honour is not seemly for a fool. As the bird by wandering, as the swallow by flying, so the curse causeless shall not come." Proverbs 26:1-2.

In ancient Egyptian imagery archaeologists found at times a tiny, standing or crouching swallow with a sun disk adorning garments (kilts). Such a swallow was found `attached to the lower border of the hip drape' on a relief block of Amenhotep III, on a sheet-gold belt of Tutankhamon (as a stylistically represented swallow) and on a relief of the Osiris complex of the temple of Seti the Great at Abydos. [2200]

The hieroglyphic image of a swallow without a sun disc occurs in a group of hieroglyphic characters transliterated as the `Arch-seer', at Heliopolis, and in words relating to priests, ie. ura herp hem, priests in the service of Ptah. [2300]

Perhaps Solomon knew something about Egypt to explain this feature and the Solomonic allusion holds the secret to the meaning of the Egyptian swallow with a sun disc and written by itself - to hold off or divert a curse.

Senmut's Administration
For all the genious Solomon displayed the resources of his people were too few to sustain such affluence of life style and government for very long. Heavy taxation became the norm in Israel and led to the dissolution of the state during the reign of his son Rehoboam.

Solomon's/Senmut's Religious Functions
Like Solomon was a king and also acted the part of a priest (1.Kings 8:22), so Senmut's chief role was also a religious one.

Solomon's/Senmut's Actions Abroad
During the last 15-16 years of Solomon he was a world wide trader.
1. He shared the trade of the `ships of Tarshish' with Hiram of Tyre, 1.Kings 10:11.
2. He received gifts worldwide from the 'kings of the earth', 1.Kings 10:23-25.
3. He imported horses and chariots and then resold them to the kings of Syria and the Hittites, 1.Kings 10:28-29 (transl. from the Zürcher Transl.) [2350].


"And Solomon had horses brought out of Egypt (`Mizraim') and Qoa (Qwh) ..."
4. The scriptures give no clear indication that Solomon was in Jerusalem during any of this time.
Similarly Senenmut wrote:
"...The labor of all countries was under my charge." [2400]

A wooden grip with a square hole on one end was found bearing this hieroglyphic inscription: "Captain of Senenmut, Nb-irj". [2500]

According to the examiner, traces of leather reams in the hole show that this was used as a whip. However, it could also have been a whip used to drive a team of horses.

This reminds us of the words: "... upon those did Solomon levy a tribute of bondservice to this day; but of the children of Israel did Solomon make no bondmen". [1.Kings 9:21,22]

Numerous sherds (ostraca) were also found bearing the name `Senenmut'. The most important one reads: (verso) .... wdnt-bread-container ... 1; incense for offerings, 2 vessels; and (hr?) variouses breads, 300; mr pr R3-3w znw-bread, 1; wdnt-bread-container, 1; shn-bread, 2; small bird, 1; incense for offering, 2 vessels; 2; ... znw-bread, 1
(recto) year 16, 1. month 3ht, 8. day. Assigning of workers for the necropolis (sdmw-s) of Senenmut under two overseers. Those belonging to Ipr-wr: captain Mcj ... untill the 1. month 3ht 11. day; captain Dj.f-drt ...f; Msw; Minj; Sm-hr; Imn-m-h3t, all together 6;"[2600]

This incidental year seems to indicate that Solomon/Senenmut fulfilled his functions for at least that length of time.

Senenmut, the Architect
Just like Solomon began to use forced labor in Israel to accomplish his many constructions so Senenmut too was both, `foreman and overseer' of Egyptian work gangs. He was involved in the construction of the temples of Karnak, Luxor, Deir el Bahari and Armant.

Among artifacts found were also stones bearing the name of Solomon/Senenmut as a dedication: "The mr pr Nb-ntrw for mr pr Senenmut, the overseer of the stone masons Thutmosis", or "His beloved brother Amenemhet" [2700]

The here represented titles of Solomon/Senenmut (mr pr), still ingratiated with things Egyptian, are regarded as pertaining to his functions in the temple of Amun.

The name of Senenmut was also found on foundation stones underneath the Hathor chapel at Deir-el-Bahari. It says: "The good god `Mt-k-r', beloved of Hathor, the first of Thebes, located at Dsr-dsrw, mr pr Senenmut" [2800]

The appearance of the name of a king (Hatshepsut/Makere) together with Senenmut on stones like this is unique in the history of Egypt.

Senmut's Temple
The Astronomical Ceiling
The great versatility of Senenmut/Solomon is revealed in the paintings of his funerary complex [2850].


The ceiling is divided into 2 parts by several transverse bands of texts, the central section contains the names of Hatshepsut and Senenmut. The southern half contains a list decans (decanal stars) derived from coffins of the Late Middle Kingdom. The northern half is decorated with the earliest depiction of the northern constellations; 4 planets (Mars, Venus, Jupiter, Saturn) are portrayed. The lunar calendar is represented by 12 large circles. Also according to the apogryphical book `Wisdom of Solomon' the king had extensive knowledge in astronomical matters. We read:
"For he has given me certain knowledge of all things, that I know how the world was made, and the power of the elements; the beginning of time, start and the middle; how the day waxes and wanes, how seasons change, and how the year runs about, how the stars stand in their place." translated from the German "Denn er hat mir gegeben gewisse Erkenntnisse aller Dinge, daß ich weiß, wie die Welt gemacht ist, und die Kraft der Elemente; der Zeit Anfang, Ende und Mitte; wie der Tag zu-und abnimmt; wie die Zeit des Jahres sich ändert, und wie das Jahr herumläuft; wie die Sterne stehen." [Wisdom 7:17-19; Weisheit 7:17-19]




Grimal wrote: `Senmut's constructions show that he was an architect, but other dimensions of his career are suggested by the presence of an astronomical ceiling in his tomb at Deir el Bahari and about 150 ostraca in his tomb at Qurna, including several drawings (notably two plans of the tomb itself), as well as lists, calculations, various reports and some copies of religious, funerary and literary works. No doubt the workmen were instructed to decorate his tomb with items of interest in the life of Senemut.'
It appears the Israelite patriarchs had a vast amount of knowledge in astronomical matters for we read:

"[Abraham] communicated to them arithmetic, and delivered to them the science of astronomy; for, before Abram came to Egypt, they were unacquainted with those parts of learning..." [2900]

Even if this passage might express exaggerated information. If even a morsel of truth is expressed here that would be enough to grasp how biblical longevity among the patriarchs allowed them to come to such knowledge.

Perhaps Solomon had learned some of the wisdom of his father David on the sun, moon and stars. For we read statements like the following about the apparent astronomical understanding of their time:

"When I consider thy heavens, the work of thy fingers, the moon and the stars, which thou hast ordained ..." Psalm 8:3

"To him that by wisdom made the heavens ... To him that stretched out the earth above the waters ... To him that made great lights ... The sun to rule by day ... The moon and stars to rule by night ..." Psalm 136

"He telleth the number of the stars; he calleth them all by their names." Psalm 147:4

Later Job would add his insights to the biblical treasures of heavenly knowledge. He wrote:

"He strechted out the north over the empty place, and hung the earth upon nothing." Job 26:7

"Can you bind the sweet influences of the Pleiades, or loose the bands of the Orion?" Job 38:31

Like other fathers, David probably spoke to his young son Solomon about God, the heavens, faith, the history of his people and the hopes for the future. All he knew he passed on to his young son, the future king.

The Commemorative Obelisks
Is it possible to proof that Senenmut was actually, physically present in Egypt? The best occasions for that seem to be in year 7 during Hatshepsut's coronation and again in year 9, when Hatshepsut summoned Senenmut and Nehesi and gave them places of honor, while she proclaimed to the assembly the success of her Punt venture and again during several occasions in her 16th year.

An Image from Genesis
Certainly his Hebrew upbringing should show itself in some way in his life in Egypt. After Hatshepsut had returned from her Punt voyage, she gathered together all her nobles and proclaimed before them the great things she had done in the behest of her father Amon-Ra. It is at the conclusion of this speech to her nobles that we encounter a scriptural image when she says, `I have made for Amon-Ra a Punt in his garden at Thebes ... it is big enough for him to walk about in'. `Records', Sec. 295. This is a phrase which reminds us of the book of Genesis and God walking in the Garden of Eden in the cool of the evening.

An Image from the Psalms
We find other utterances of Hatshepsut which remind us of the Psalms. On her commemorative obelisks she wrote:
`I did it under Amon-Ra's command; it was he who led me. I conceived no works without his doings ... I slept not because of his temple; I erred not from that which he commanded ... I entered into the affairs of his heart. I turned not my back on the City of the All-Lord; but turned to it the face. I know that Karnak is God's dwelling upon earth; ... the Place of his Heart; Which wears his beauty ...' [3000]

We compare this with the words of David's Psalms.
`Surely I will not come into the tabernacle of my house, nor go up into my bed; I will not give sleep to mine eyes, or slumber to mine eyelids. Until I find out a place for the Lord, an habitation for the mighty God of Jacob - For the Lord has chosen Zion; he has desired it for his habitation. This is my rest for ever; here will I dwell; for I have desired it.'Psalm 132:1-5, 13, 14.

An Image from the Proverbs
In another, related verse of the Punt reliefs, referring to Amon-Ra's leading of the expedition to `the Myrrh-terraces ... a glorious region of God's Land' [3100], the god speaks of his creating of the fabled Land of Punt in playful terms that remind us of the words that Solomon wrote about Wisdom's role in the work of Creation: `I, Wisdom ... was with [the Creator], forming all things, and was His delight every day, playing before Him at all times, playing on the surface of His earth, delighting to be with the sons of men' (Proverbs 8:12, 30-31) In the Egyptian version there is also reference to Hathor, the goddess of wisdom:

`... it is indeed a place of delight. I have made it for myself, in order to divert my heart, together with ... Hathor ... mistress of Punt ...' [3200]

Interestingly, the original roles of the goddesses Hathor and Isis, in the prestigious Heliopolitan 'theology', were ones very similar to those of Moses' sister and mother, respectively (the god Horus reminding of Moses). Thus we read in Grimal [3300]:

`Isis hid Horus in the marshes of the Delta ... with the help of the goddess Hathor, the wet-nurse in the form of a cow. The child grew up ...'. Compare this with the action of Moses's mother and sister: `[Moses's mother] put the child in [the basket] and placed it among the reeds at the river's brink. And his sister stood at a distance .... Then his sister said to Pharaoh's daughter, 'Shall I go and call you a nurse from the Hebrew women to nurse the child for you?' ... And the child grew ...' (Exodus: 2:3-4,7,10)

Even though the establishment does not allow for such parallels and deductions we are making in this paper, the reader can see why they do not allow such studies for it will invariably lead to the type of conclusions presented and make havoc of their darling study of Egyptology. For this reason quoting from certain books is taboo among the proponents of today's Egyptology and like the proverbial ostrich they bury their .... No, that couldn't possibly be so?

....

Saturday, September 3, 2011

"Those holding to the old orthodoxy of Egyptian History will soon vanish ..."


Rasputin said...
To Damien:
Your thesis on the Revised History of Hezekiah was brilliantly argued and should have resulted in a PHD so that your gift in complicated historical revisionism could have been more further developed. In this thesis, you covered an incredible amount of data but unfortunately one examiner has prevented you from achieving your full academic potential. The university will be poorer for not having awarded you a well deserved PHD for I surmise that you would have made hundreds of other connections in ancient history that would have shed more light in a field that is strewn with a great deal of confusion. Those holding to the old orthodoxy of Egyptian History will soon vanish and out of the mists will arise a new historical chronology that will again dramatically shorten the length of Egyptian chronology. I think the works of Velikovsky, Courville and Mackey and others will eventually unseat the modern Pharisees and Sadduccees who hold sway over the old orthodoxy which is dying as the revisionists get their ideas out in the internet. I hope that you are actively engaged in further research and I suspect you realize that the Hebrew Chronology which influenced three of the major religions in history is more critical than the Egyptian documents that are carved in stone as almost nothing in the Egyptian Chronology matches that of the Hebrews. Keep up the great research.
August 16, 2011 3:04 PM
Damien Mackey's response:
Great post, Rasputin.
I am sure that your prophetic words will one day become a reality: "Those holding to the old orthodoxy of Egyptian History will soon vanish and out of the mists will arise a new historical chronology that will again dramatically shorten the length of Egyptian chronology". For much more of this kind of thinking, going way beyond Egypt, see "Other AMAIC sites" as listed in right hand column at: http://amaic1.blog.com
August 25, 2011 5:36 PM
My thesis, A Revised History of the Era of King Hezekiah of Judah and its Background can be accessed at the University of Sydney site: http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5973
My earlier MA thesis, The Sothic Star Theory of the Egyptian Calendar can be accessed at the University of Sydney site: http://hdl.handle.net/2123/1632
A Revised History of the Era of King Hezekiah of Judah and its Background was passed for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (a doctorate award) by 2 of the 3 examiners.
The essential parts of their lengthy comments were:
Examiner 1
Overall, this is a most impressive piece of work. Employing a true multidisciplinary approach, Mr. Mackey has amassed abundant evidence from the fields of history, art history, archaeology, geography, topography, biblical studies, and linguistics to support his chronological thesis. At times, his dissertation reads like a page­-turning detective story.
Having said all that, this work should be regarded as primarily seminal in nature; it certainly cannot be construed as the final word on a subject that has confounded and occupied innumerable scholars over the past one hundred years. Yet, Mr. Mackey is to be applauded for a truly Herculean synthesizing effort that should keep a host of special­ists busy for years to come - assuming their willingness to analyze, dissect, and evaluate his doctoral thesis fairly and objectively.
…. Mr Mackey’s historical and chronological construct is a solid endeavor and challenge that unquestionably needs to be taken seriously. One can only hope that this will be the case.
The sheer range and scope alone of Mackey's dissertation, right­ or wrong, is sufficiently worthy of scholarly attention and discussion. I unhesitatingly recommend that the doctoral candidate - Damien Mackey - be awarded the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ….
Examiner 2
This two-volume revised thesis is a considerable improvement on the 2005 submission.
Much effort has been expended in this reworking to produce a substantially more sustainable piece of work.
Mackay [sic] states in the Preface that his thesis is an "in-depth chronological analysis and realignment of the era of Hezekiah and its background with a special focus upon trying to determine, in a revised context, who were the Judaean king's major contemporaries and what were their origins". To do so, he has based his arguments on the chronological revisions of the Sothic calender [sic] thus following the footsteps of Velikovsky and Courville. However, he has not been reticent to apply his critical ability, assessing and (where necessary) re-adjusting their datum.
To fulfill its stated brief in the Introduction, the thesis' subject-matter covered an enormous expanse from Egypt to Mesopotamia. Here Mackay has evaluated the arguments of so-called conventional scholars soundly. I see a major advance in the application of his critical abilities, over and above the previous attempt. Whilst his conclusions are sometimes tentative - and could not be otherwise - he has fulfilled the scholar's brief by showing his capacity to sift evidence carefully, as well as consulting mainstream opinion. I particularly appreciated his usage of archaeological data to support his arguments.
The study of the Book of Judith [Volume Two of thesis], in particular, showed promise. I appreciated the discussion of the book's placement (or non-placement) in the Jewish versus the Catholic canon. The accompanying commentary also was a good piece of work. I would recommend that, with judicious editing and some reworking, this part of the thesis be suitable for publication. Re the argument of historicity v. 'pious fiction', it might be worthwhile to consider the questions of 'intent and audience'.
The thesis still does show a tendency "to tie up loose ends", but the application was much more restrained and the accompanying argument highlighted the complexity of the problems that Mackay was attempting to unravel. These were generally worked convincingly within the framework of the thesis.
… In conclusion, the thesis fulfills the stated criteria necessary to achieve the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. It makes an original contribution to knowledge, shows copious evidence of independent critical ability on the part of Mackey, as well as having discovered new facts. ….
Yet Examiner 3 could apparently find virtually nothing worthwhile (“only one minor strength”) in this 500+ pages (two-volume) effort:
….
This thesis sought to present 'a more acceptable alternative' to the conventional dating system for the era of Hezekiah. The thesis, however, fell far short of achieving its aim. There was a failure to assess both primary and secondary sources in a rigorous, critical and objective way. This meant that the conclusions reached were not merely non-conventional (this in itself should not disqualify anyone from an award), but extremely tenuous and very far-fetched. As such, the thesis failed to achieve its aim.
….
The thesis suffered from the same flaws as Velikovsky's approach, which exerted considerable influence over the argument, including lending it a starting point. In particular, the whole notion of 'alter egos' was simply not justified and, in fact, beggars the imagination. There was no attempt to explain why so many singular persons (many of them monarchs) could each possess so many distinctly different personas. I suspect the reason is because the entire notion of 'alter egos' has no real basis in history and, therefore, cannot be adequately explained. If there was a real notion of 'alter egos' in history, then it is odd that there has been no real overt reference in historical sources to explain it. …. The whole 'alter-ego' system overlooked all the cultural and religious distinctions apparent in the Ancient Near East, and defied credibility. Under the conventional system, these difficulties are easily overcome by the sensible and credible proposition that each name represents a distinct person. Indeed, the conventional system is also able to take in all the sources, including the ones ignored in this thesis. Therefore, the thesis did not give 'a more acceptable alternative' to the conventional dating system.
….
There was one minor strength in the thesis, though with some reservation:
1. The suggestion that the reigns of some of the Ramessides may have been concurrent was plausible, even though it ultimately cannot be confirmed. The chronological links made with other points of Ancient Near Eastern history on the basis of this surmise, however, appeared premature, speculative, and tenuous. Furthermore, this minor strength in no way provides an opening to salvage the thesis.
In light of this analysis, I cannot in good conscience recommend that the degree of PhD be awarded. The thesis was unfortunately ill-conceived and ultimately fatally flawed in its methods and conclusions.
Examiner 4
Though the Faculty of Arts apparently told my supervisor (Professor Rifaat Ebied) that the doctorate would be awarded, the university’s highest committee (Post-Graduate Matters Committee) then stepped in to say that a 4th examiner would be required.
This final arbitrator/examiner, completely ignoring the favourable Examiner’s 1 and 2, based his/her (I think) decision entirely on the unfavourable Examiner 3:
The thesis does not meet the necessary standards of an academic research. The methodology utilized is flawed through and through, the information dated and irrelevant to current research. The author is not aware of up-to-date bibliography and has ignored major basic studies in the field. His treatment of ancient texts - both biblical and non-biblical - is literal and naïve. He does not utilize tools such as dictionaries, nor does he show proficiency in basic biblical analysis. The thesis does not regard or address questions of possible sources, genres, accepted basic conceptions regarding the authors or ideological biases of the texts, or variants in different versions. His arguments are irrational and the conclusions he has reached are unsubstantiated and fanciful.
I fully agree with the detailed comments of the third examiner who has laid out the main weaknesses of the thesis, and they should be consulted for more detail on my position.

Damien F. Mackey's Defence of Post-Graduate Thesis Against 3rd Examiner's Criticisms

Appendix: Exposing the Inadequacies of the 3rd Examiner’s Points in the Context of my Proposed ‘More Acceptable Alternative’ Model The 3rd examiner, unlike the Assessor, does make some points that are specifically relevant to the thesis, though he/she, just like the Assessor, never exhibits having come to terms at all with the overall complexity of the thesis, as had the 1st and 2nd examiners. Many of the 3rd examiner’s key points of criticism ignore some of the most fundamental aspects of my PhD thesis. Nor is there the least admittance by either the 3rd or the 4th examiner that the conventional system has its serious flaws. The chronologico-historical and art-historical anomalies that have been addressed in this thesis - and that are acknowledged by many competent scholars from different fields (see e.g. p. 18 of my thesis) - are genuine problems. This will become further evident from the following pages. The 3rd examiner’s 15 paragraphs can be broken down basically into alleged “weaknesses” relating to: (i) methodology, four paragraphs (1-4); (ii) primary and secondary sources, three paragraphs (5-6, 12); (iii) ‘alter egos’, vague similarities or similar equations for place names, five paragraphs (7-11, also 5 again); (iv) ‘dark age’, one paragraph (13); and (v) footnotes/aesthetics, two paragraphs (14-15). Then there follows that ‘favourable’ final paragraph (1) pointing to “one minor strength”: “The suggestion that the reigns of some of the Ramessides may have been concurrent was plausible …”. My comment: As if any work that may throw light on the important Ramesside era could be regarded as “minor”! [Moreover, a revision of the history of the Ramessides in relation to king Hezekiah constituted a major part of my thesis, namely Volume One, Part III (pp. 188-372)]. The 1st examiner seems to have appreciated this, when commenting: “pp. 339-340 – admirable attempt to recast the latter part of the 20th Dynasty [Ramesside] which has always appeared as a somewhat gray area” Let us consider the 3rd examiner’s five areas of criticism in turn. (i) Methodology (paragraphs 1-4) Regarding methodology, a major criticism offered by the 3rd examiner was that “tentative” points “were used as significant foundations for further conclusions”. The 2nd examiner had also used the word “tentative”, but with some proper understanding. Thus: “Whilst [Mackey’s] conclusions are somewhat tentative – and could not be otherwise – he has fulfilled the scholar’s brief …”. This 2nd examiner had, like the 1st examiner, fully appreciated that a completely new model of history must be of a tentative nature. The 3rd examiner though gives the impression that the whole thesis was basically a castle built in the air. “The vast majority of the argument was premised on a series of unproved ‘if’ statements”. “… numerous tentative points were effectively treated as … pivotal …”. My comment: My entire thesis was in fact built upon the most solid of foundations, even if the superstructure atop this may be subject to some future alteration. As I have been at pains to demonstrate, my PhD thesis was built upon: 1. A successful MA thesis that showed the inadequacies of the conventional chronological scheme, and with an examiner pointing to the opportunity now for an ‘alternative’ model to be undertaken. [My Abstract justifies my blazing of this new trail based on comments made by an examiner of my 1993 MA. Then, on p. 8, I argue my new thesis as being a logical development of my MA. This is repeated on p. 10 of Chapter 1. To reinforce all of this, I give a summary of my MA, beginning on p. 11. Pp. 16-21 make clear how much chronology and archaeology currently hang on Sothic dating. I summarise my efforts on this in my Conclusion, pp. 103-106]. Moreover: 2. My thesis was built upon a credible archaeological/stratigraphical foundation, as the 2nd examiner also happily noted: “I particularly appreciated [Mackey’s] usage of archaeological data to support his argument”. The 3rd examiner seems to have completely overlooked the solid foundations of this extensive work. Next: 3. As the thesis progressed into (as it must) the “alternative” model realm, my higher level foundation (for the background to king Hezekiah’s era) - still anchored though securely on 1. and 2. - became the now quite vast body of revisionist publications, based initially on the research of Drs. I. Velikovsky and D. Courville. As the 2nd examiner could clearly see: “[Mackey] has based his arguments on the chronological revisions of the Sothic calender [sic] thus following the footsteps of Velikovsky and Courville”. But not in a slavish fashion: “However, he has not been reticent to apply his critical ability, assessing and (where necessary) re-adjusting their datum”. Continuing on now right into the era of king Hezekiah of Judah, my foundations (still dependent on 1-3) were: 4. Five interlocking biblical (cf. 2 Kings 18:10)/neo-Assyrian correspondences, coinciding with the Fall of Samaria (c. 722/21 BC), namely: (a) Fall of Samaria; (b) beginning of Sargon II of Assyria’s rule; (c) sixth year of Hezekiah of Judah; (d) ninth year of Hoshea of Israel; (e) year one of Merodach-baladan II as king of Babylon, according to Sargon’s testimony: “In my twelfth year of reign, (Merodach-baladan) .... For 12 years, against the will (heart) of the gods, he held sway over Babylon ...”. [I discussed points (a)-(e) in detail in Chapter 1, pp. 21-28, returning to this in similar detail in Chapter 5, pp. 125-129, and then fully supplementing it in Chapter 12, pp. 349-350, and finally summarising it all on p. 372, Summary of Volume One]. Thus, I set out a clear foundational progression (1-4), whilst the ‘alter ego’ methodology was firmly established at the outset of my PhD thesis as being a key method to be used therein. [See also Chapter 3, pp. 52-53, for the beginning of my explanation of my ‘multi-identifications’ methodology, based on a very solid Velikovskian connection; this then being taken further in Chapter 4, pp. 111-115. (See also pp. 7-8 below of this Appendix)]. Yet, typically, the 3rd examiner will write: “… the whole notion of ‘alter egos’ was simply not justified …”. Other criticisms of a methodological nature made by the 3rd examiner were: “The argument itself did not flow. It often changed subject suddenly …”. But no examples/references are given. By contrast, the 2nd examiner – once again appreciating the difficulty of the task, and the context – wrote that “the accompanying argument highlighted the complexity of the problems that [Mackey] was attempting to unravel. These were generally worked convincingly within the framework of the thesis”. 3rd examiner again: “The thesis did not engage adequately with more conventional scholars which was necessary in order to achieve the stated goal of providing ‘a more acceptable alternative’ to their widely accepted theories.” But, according to the 2nd examiner, I have indeed in my wide-ranging thesis “evaluated the arguments of so-called conventional scholars soundly”. Moreover: “[Mackey] has fulfilled the scholar’s brief by showing his capacity to sift evidence carefully, as well as consulting mainstream opinion”. [On p. 5 of my Introduction I told of my indebtedness to conventional scholars/archaeologists of the past. In Chapter 11, p. 276, I praised “Bierbrier’s painstaking and laudable attempts to establish a clear chronological framework for Egyptian officials and workmen for the most difficult phase” of the Third Intermediate Period [TIP]. Moreover, I make it quite clear, in my treatment of the Ramessides and the difficult TIP that I did not intend to be “dogmatic”, but “tentative”, and that “I would be highly presumptuous” were I to presume that I could fully master the situation, Chapter 11, p. 258. See also Volume Two, p. 106]. 3rd examiner again: “Problems with conventional dating were exaggerated and often not considered in full, especially in terms of the solutions proposed by scholars advocating more conventional dating (e.g., Thiele). This also revealed a failure to deal with the purpose and literary-theological devices inherent in biblical chronologies”. My comments: For one of my key historical re-identifications, concerning Esarhaddon in relation to the neo-Assyrian succession, in Chapter 6, I actually gave detailed points, headed, “Conventional Theory’s Strengths” (pp. 135-142) as to why - although I was going to propose reasons for considering a departure from the conventional view - I nevertheless appreciated why the conventional view had a firm claim to being right. I revisited this in summary fashion also on pp. 150-151. And I returned to this point again in my final thesis Conclusion at the end of Volume Two (pp. 104-105). Moreover, I actually discussed Edwin Thiele at great length, first introducing him into the discussion on pp. 14-15 of Chapter 1, then considering him in more detail on pp. 22-27; an analysis that I continued in Chapter 5, pp. 125-129, and also in Chapter 12, p. 349. Though critical of the fact that Thiele had, following a faulty neo-Assyrian chronology, completely eradicated those five interlocking biblical/neo-Assyrian and Babylonian correspondences [(a)-(e) in point 4. on pp. 2-3 above], I did however (on pp. 126-129) consider the merits of Thiele’s overall system, acknowledging the problems that he faced. Indeed I recognised the validity of Thiele’s points in regard to the difficulties of a chronological correspondence between kings Hoshea and Hezekiah. And I coupled this with Assyriologist H. Tadmor’s related arguments, as noted by Thiele (Chapter 1, p. 22; Chapter 5, pp. 127-128; and Chapter 12, p. 354). At the same time I pointed to the inadequacies of Velikovsky’s revision, p. 25, his “sometimes … embarrassing gaffes”, indicating also that I would significantly modify his reconstruction of the el-Amarna period in Chapter 3, Chapter 4, Chapter 9 and Chapter 10. Thiele’s chronological problems with king Hezekiah though turn out to be artificial. Thiele is the one with the faulty methodology. Thanks to Thiele, Hezekiah has now become one of most vexed problems in biblical history, pp. 126, 129. Thiele, despite his “good intentions” (p. 129), ended up doing exactly what he intended not to do, when he had endeavoured to establish “a sound chronology for Old Testament times”, fitting it “into the events of the Near Eastern world” (p. 126). Consider what Thiele has now lost for us, pp. 23-24; also pp. 125-129. The 3rd examiner does not once allude to the fact that Thiele has completely eradicated an ancient multi-syncretism (a)-(e); one that the facts of modern archaeology have actually begun to support and further augment. I say (p. 128) that I shall attempt to enlarge this (a)-(e) correspondence even further by including, in Chapter 12, the Egyptian (f) and Ethiopian (g) contemporaries of the Fall of Samaria (a). Re biblical genre and purpose, I had definitely considered these throughout my thesis: e.g. Chapter 2, p. 33, where I had argued that the Bible was “didactic, not political science”; and p. 54 my explanation of el-Amarna’s geopolitical situation in relation to the Old Testament; and p. 55, on biblical perspective; and also pp. 72-73 on the Bible’s non-sophisticated attitude to geography. Then in Volume Two (pp. 89-91), I engaged in an in-depth textual analysis of the Isaian Denkschrift. (See also p. 6 of this Appendix). In conclusion, the 3rd examiner has completely failed to appreciate and understand the firm foundations upon which this thesis was built. This is in contrast to the 1st and 2nd examiners, who did not consider that my methodology was shallow. On the contrary, according to the 1st examiner: Mr. Mackey is very good at weighing alternatives … I … do not feel that he is “forcing a square peg into a roundhole”. His overall analyses and discussions are in depth and quite plausible. …. He has taken on a vast amount of material … and has dealt with it in considerable depth. If specialists and scholars with an open mind will approach his work dispassionately, [Mackey] has left a great deal to be studied and reconsidered. This is a seminal work – as it should be – and a door opened wide for further exploration. Whilst the 2nd examiner, impressed by my use of the archaeological data, also believes: … [Mackey] has evaluated the arguments of so-called conventional scholars soundly. … the thesis … makes an original contribution to knowledge, shows copious evidence of independent critical ability on the part of Mackey, as well as having discovered new facts. (ii) Primary and secondary sources (paragraphs 5-6, 12) 3rd examiner: “There was a failure to incorporate some key primary sources into the evidence, most notably the Babylonian Chronicles, the Assyrian King List, and Esarhaddon’s Vassal Treaty with Baal of Tyre”. By contrast, the 2nd examiner thought, regarding my “Bibliography. This was satisfactory – a testament to [Mackey’s] copious reading – and no changes are required”. And (3rd examiner): “The primary sources which featured in the thesis were never appraised or weighed in terms of genre, accuracy, reliability, purpose, and bias …. This was acutely apparent in the use of Assyrian annals, the canonical biblical literature, and the deutero-canonical books of Judith and Tobit”. My comment: I frequently in fact made use of the Babylonian Chronicles (e.g. Chapter 3, p. 78, Chapter 6, pp. 136-137, 147, 169), though being careful to note that this document is in fact a late source. I did indeed use the Assyrian King List (e.g. p. 131), but most notably in my discussion of “The Assuruballit Problem” [TAP], an Excursus dedicated to this very issue (pp. 230-253). I also used, extensively, the Taylor Prism, e.g. Chapter 6 (pp. 151-165); the Eponym Chronicle (pp. 144-145); the Assyrian Chronicle (e.g. p. 148); the Limmu Lists (p. 132); the ND4301 and ND4305 Nimrud fragments published by Wiseman (pp. 347-349). Moreover, the 3rd examiner here actually refers to my “use of Assyrian annals”. I also made extensive use of H. Tadmor and D. Luckenbill (Sargon II’s Khorsabad texts), with reference to the primary sources, especially throughout Chapter 6. In fact I went even deeper than merely using primary sources and had, following Tadmor, serious cause to criticize (in relation to the document that Tadmor called “Eponym Cb6”) the fact that Assyriologists, Winckler and Delitzsch, had presumed to add the name “Sargon” where it may not originally have been, pp. 137-138. Further to what I have already said above re my attention to genre, and to biblical perspective, much of my Chapter 1, in Volume Two (e.g., pp. 17-37), involved a discussion of the debate regarding the genre of the apocryphal Book of Judith, which I headed “A History and Critical Evaluation of [the Book of Judith]. A. Versions, Genre …”. See also my Chapter 3 (pp. 74-75) regarding how history has viewed this, and how history’s view of it has changed according to the different fashions or moral values of different epochs. In this I was notably successful, according to the 2nd examiner who wrote: The study of the Book of Judith, in particular, showed promise. I appreciated the discussion of the book’s placement (or non-placement) in the Jewish versus the Catholic canon. The accompanying commentary also was a good piece of work. I would recommend that, with judicious editing and some reworking, this part of the thesis be suitable for publication. Re the argument of history v. ‘pious fiction’, it might be worthwhile to consider the questions of ‘intent’ and ‘audience’. A significant amount of my Volume Two thus constituted a discussion of the textual nature of the Book of Judith, in which I concluded - following some millennia and a half of Judaeo-Christian tradition, I might add - that the book was in fact an ancient account of an actual history, and not just some sort of ‘pious parable/fiction’ (genre). My primary contribution was to show that this history was situated entirely within the era of Hezekiah. (iii) “‘alter egos’,” “equations of a similar nature for geographic place names”, and “vague similarities” or (paragraphs 7-11, also 5); Firstly ‘alter egos’ According to the 3rd examiner (a part of this we have already read): “The thesis suffered from the same flaws as Velikovsky’s approach, which exerted considerable influence over the argument, including lending it a starting point. In particular, the whole notion of ‘alter egos’ was simply not justified, and, in fact, beggars the imagination”. And: “… there was a distinct failure to look thoroughly at the linguistic problems associated with the various equations of names being proposed by the ‘alter-ego’ model. This led to some rather fanciful and improbable equations which are simply not credible linguistically, let alone historically …”. And: “… the thesis criticizes other scholars for failing to explain name correspondences (e.g., So = Saïs, p. 189) when it fails to do this many times over. This unfortunately reveals a scholarly double standard”. My comments: If one has, as I have, embarked upon a revision of ancient history based upon the view that Egyptian history has been grossly over-extended, thereby affecting the chronologies of the nations tied to it, then one has to determine upon a methodology that is appropriate towards rectifying this situation. This must of necessity involve a shortening of chronology. But it must not go against the evidence. As the 2nd examiner has noted, my approach was archaeologically-based, hence a sound foundation underpinned it all. This is in contrast, I believe, to the latter part of Velikovsky’s revision, where - in order to merge the entire neo-Hittite empire with the Babylonian (Nebuchednezzar II’s), and make the 19th Egyptian dynasty (that is concurrent with the Hittites) the same as the 26th Egyptian dynasty, concurrent with the Babylonian empire - Velikovsky had ruptured the true and well-established archaeological sequence which indicates that the 19th dynasty must follow on directly from the 18th. This bold plan of Velikovsky’s, to accommodate his chronological shrinkage, would have been wonderful had it been workable. But it was in fact doomed to failure right from the start because it went ruthlessly against the established archaeological evidence. Now the method of ‘alter egos’, and the merging of certain dynasties, is the one that revisionist scholars have tended to adopt to support the necessary chronological shrinkage. It makes good sense (where it does not violate the established evidence). And some very striking correspondences have already been made. I have built upon what I consider to have been the best of these, and have also significantly added to them, according to the 2nd examiner’s recognising that I have “discovered new facts”. In other words, the model that I have proposed seems to be fruitful and productive, not barren. But does not the 3rd examiner completely miss the point again by asserting, without qualification, that my equations are “simply not credible … historically …”, given that what I have produced is in fact quite a new model of history; one that according to both the 1st and 2nd examiners was convincing according to its context (e.g., 2nd examiner: “… problems [were] generally worked convincingly within the framework of the thesis”)? Some of my linguistic equations might indeed be controversial, with even the 2nd examiner saying, “occasionally I felt he rather stretched linguistic arguments”. I could have though, for instance, in my proposed equation of Jonah with Nahum (partly based on Tobit 14:4, versions of which variously give ‘Jonah’ and ‘Nahum’) ‘stretched’ the NAH element in both names (Jo-NAH-um) as part of my evidence for identifying Jonah with Nahum. However, I resisted this temptation, due to the fact that, as I would write (Volume Two p. 94), there is “only a superficial similarity between the names”, with ‘Jonah’ containing the letter h (Hebrew he), whilst ‘Nahum’ contains the letter ch (Hebrew het). Now, regarding name linguistics, the 1st examiner thought at least: On pp. 60ff., I found this to be a valiant effort to identify the EA correspondents and I especially like the linguistic equation of Abdi-ashirta with Dushratta [i.e., through Ab-DU-aSHRATTA, p. 67]. It is quite wrong for the 3rd examiner to claim that “there was a distinct failure to look thoroughly at the linguistic problems associated with the various equations of names being proposed by the ‘alter-ego’ model”. I especially justified my ‘alter ego’ connection for kings with the ADP (see Acronyms) or ‘Addu-principle’ (Chapter 3, pp. 68-71), according to which a king might use a different theophoric (‘god’ name) in a different region (e.g. Baal in Phoenicia; Hadad in Syria; Ashur in Assyria). This e.g. accounted for why the one king might have had dissimilar names. Another factor I suggested was the well-attested religious syncretism at the time (p. 91), with the likelihood of a Yahweh and a Baal name being used together. With ADP, el-Amarna names (presumably C14th BC) now appear abundantly in C9th texts (p. 71). Also: [On pp. 68 I gave an explanation of possible Semitic use of Indo European names. Also on p. 174 I made it clear that, whilst certain equations may connect the same name, my identification was not based on name similarity alone; though it is nice when that happens. On pp. 208-209 I applied the ADP to Tushratta]. There were many further arguments in favour of my ‘alter ego’ comparisons, e.g: [P. 65 Boutflower has shown the name Tabeel to have been comparable with Tab rimmon. P. 146, Tiglath-pileser III was also ‘Pul[u]’, both in history and the Bible. We know that Assyrians took different names as rulers of Babylon, p. 184. P. 179-180 my folding of the Middle Bronze I & II Ages also involved name folding. P. 138, explanation of Sargon II’s name as a throne name; Sennacherib, as a personal name. P. 139, Tobit clearly says who Sennacherib’s father was, “Shalmaneser”, not Sargon (p. 184, the name Sargon, meaning “true King”, is suspicious – he may well have been a usurper). P. 147 Tiglath-pileser is a throne name, not a personal name. P. 169 Esarhaddon was known to have had two different names. The biblical Hadoram is also Joram, p. 69, and the name Adda-danu = Balu shipti, p. 70]. In light of all this, one has to wonder if the 3rd examiner has properly read the thesis! And to make me question this even further there is the 3rd examiner’s mistaken comment re “So = Saïs, p. 189”; this being, incidentally, the only occasion in all of sixteen paragraphs where the 3rd examiner cites a specific page (let alone Chapter, or Volume) of my thesis. By the time we have come to this p. 189 (re “So = Saïs …”), I had already given pages (see above) of linguistic arguments and principles in support of my thesis, and these would continue on, including into Volume Two, Part II (pp. 37-46) and in the Excursus, pp. 87-102. So I cannot justifiably be flatly accused of ‘failing to explain name correspondences’. My particular criticism of the So = Saïs equation was that “So” was a biblical king of Egypt, whereas Saïs is well known to have been a city in the W. Egyptian Delta. However unconvincing scholars may find some of my own equations, be they of people or places, at least I cannot be accused of ever having attempted to force an identification of one designated as a person with a known place (city), as some conventional historians have proposed in the case of So = Saïs. That strange ‘osmosis’ (a person becoming a place) is the point of my argument here. As I claim, my ‘alternative’ historical model is not a barren one. At least the 2nd examiner, as we read, did not think so (“new facts”). Nor did the 1st examiner, who liked e.g. the following comparisons: p. 82 - good attempt to identify the enigmatic Kassites (who remain a real problem). pp. 88ff. – excellent point regarding use of Hebrew in [el-Amarna] correspondence. pp. 90ff. – a provocative and detailed discussion of the [el-Amarna] correspondence in order to identify the correspondents. pp. 133ff. –The Sargon II-Sennacherib equation is provocative, comprehensive and near compelling. It stands as a major challenge to traditional specialists in Mesopotamian history and archaeology. p. 180 – a tantalizing comparison between 12th and 8th century BC individuals. pp. 180ff. – good discussion of Kassite/Assyro-Babylonian similarities. pp. 300ff. – very good discussion of the meaning of the Israel Stele. pp. 316ff. – good attempt to unravel the relationship between the 21st and 22nd [Egyptian] dynasties; pp. 322-327 – drives home the point about objects identified as “heirlooms” owing to a misplaced chronology. This same 1st examiner, too, had fully appreciated the degree of difficulty involved with certain aspects of my thesis, particularly in relation to Egypt’s most troublesome Third Intermediate Period, or TIP [i.e., Dynasties 21-26]: pp. 358ff. – an interesting attempt to sort out “who was who” in the 21st & 22nd Dynasties. This seems to be one of the most confusing periods in Ancient Egyptian history (pace Kitchen) and may never be straightened out. Mackey is to be commended for his effort. [Indeed, the great Egyptologist Sir Alan Gardiner had despaired of this historical period’s ever being properly resolved. See quote on p. 338 of thesis]. My thesis in fact, as I made clear (Chapter 3, p. 51), would tackle head on the three most vexed problems for the Velikovskian based revision (none of which is problem free in the conventional system), namely: ‘The Assuruballit Problem’ [henceforth TAP]; where to locate Ramses II (in the new scheme); and the resolution of the complex TIP. And, whilst I thought ultimately (thesis Conclusion, pp. 103-106) that I had managed to propose a positive solution to (i) and (ii), I did not claim to have done more than to provide “at least the outline of a solution - rather than a comprehensive revision - for (iii)”. Generally, as I have said, my ‘alternative’ historical model can be fruitful, having the potential to solve some glaring, unresolved problems that have persisted in - even bedevilled - the conventional system. Some of these, which are a bit technical in full detail, I shall now illustrate in brief: One of the most glaring problems is the lack of archaeology for a supposed 400 years of Kassite history (see section ‘dark age’ for more detail on this), completely resolved in my chronological shrinkage and identification of the Kassites with Assyro-Babylonian kings. See also the 1st examiner’s favourable comments above on my treatment of the Kassites. The conventional system cannot explain why, whereas Assuruballit of Assyria’s father - as given in the el-Amarna letters - was called Assur-nadin-ahe, his father is named in the Assyrian King List as Eriba-Adad, not Assur-nadin-ahe. Yet so much is based on this supposed connection, as we read in Centuries of Darkness: “Thus the much vaunted synchronism between Akhenaten and Assuruballit I, the main linch-pin between Egyptian and Assyrian Late Bronze Age chronologies, is flawed and must be treated with caution” (cited on p. 231 of thesis). My multi-identification of Tushratta enabled for me to explain how this Mitannian king had been in a position to send the statue of Ishtar of Nineveh (Assyria) to pharaoh Amenhotep III in Egypt, in the hope of curing the latter’s illness. For Tushratta was also, according to my reconstruction, Ashurnasirpal II of Assyria, pp. 73, 76-81. [See also p. 80, art evidence for Ashurnasirpal II as a contemporary of Egypt’s Late Kingdom]. *** My equation, Tushratta = Abdi-ashirta (the 2nd examiner, as we saw, liked the linguistic connection here), serves to answer my persistent question (e.g. pp. 65-67, 73) as to why two contemporary kings, Tushratta and Abdi-ashirta, ruling the same regions, and with the same ambitions and aspirations (e.g. to consolidate rule over Mitanni), never clashed, nor do their names ever appear together in the el-Amarna correspondence. The mention in 2 Chronicles 21:16-17 of “the Arabians, who were near the Cushites [Ethiopians]”, who sacked king Jehoram’s palace in Jerusalem has bewildered biblical scholars (see my discussion in Chapter 4, pp. 112-114). E.g: “This curious verse can hardly signify that the Arabians took and plundered Jerusalem” (quote on p. 114). But it is perfectly explainable in a revised context. In fact we often meet with cases in which the conventional scenario leads to such statements of bewilderment or astonishment, e.g: p. 73, where Campbell had sought for “... a way to explain a Mitannian raid into upper Syria sometime during the final years of Amenophis [Amenhotep] III, carried out by Tušratta [Tushratta] while he was maintaining loyal friendship with Egypt”. But Campbell finally had to admit to having “no satisfactory explanation”. [See also Roux, p. 14 below, on Kassite archaeology]. The fairly recently published Tang-i Var inscription (see Chapter 6, p. 144, Chapter 12, pp. 350-351, 364) has thrown into complete and unexpected confusion the conventional syncretisms between Sargon II of Assyria and the 25th Ethiopian dynasty; a problem that does not exist in my renovation of neo-Assyrian history and the TIP. And, with Sargon II to be merged with Sennacherib, as I have argued, then Thiele’s problems with harmonizing the reign of king Hezekiah of Judah against the neo-Assyrian rule are no longer relevant. As the 1st examiner notes, this (Sargon II = Sennacherib) was “provocative, comprehensive and near compelling”. [For more on this, see p. 13 below of this Appendix)]. Art-historical problems of similarities between C12th BC (‘Middle’ Assyro-Babylonian) and C8th BC (‘Neo’ Assyro-Babylonian) art (pp. 80-81, also pp. 250-251) do not exist in my model, which provides a chronological folding of the ‘Middle’ and ‘Neo’ eras. [See also p. 250, for art of Horemheb, Egypt’s Late Kingdom, like that found in neo-Assyria; p. 251, for art depicting the ‘Sea Peoples’, again Late Kingdom, like that of Shalmaneser III of a supposedly later period]. Secondly, “equations of a similar nature for geographic place names” There were actually rather few such geographical “equations” proposed in the thesis, and the 3rd examiner mentions only two of these, namely: “… Lachish = Ashdod; Rages = Damascus”. Regarding the first, Lachish = Ashdod, I noted Chapter 6 (p. 154) that Sargon II had, in his Annals, actually referred simultaneously to two Ashdods: “Ashdod, Gimtu [Gath?], Ashdudimmu [Ashdod-by-the-Sea], I besieged and captured”. The conventional historians do not explain why. My thesis does. They are two separate locations, with ‘Ashdod-by-the-Sea’ being the conventional Ashdod; whereas ‘Ashdod’, unqualified, is Lachish. This identification solves a host of problems, including why Sargon II, who actually took the fort of Azekah in Judah (pp. 158-159) would have studiously ignored Azekah’s neighbour fort (p. 140), the mighty Lachish. Sargon II claims to have subdued Judah (as noted on p. 154). For other resolutions, and arguments in favour of this equation, Ashdod = Lachish, see pp. 151, 160-162. As regards the equation Rages = Damascus, the 3rd examiner has made the comment: “… simply contradictory … Rages, situated in a mountainous terrain, was equated with Damascus which was correctly noted as being located in a plain …”. Now this, the only occasion when the 3rd examiner has credited me with being ‘correct’, in fact mis-states what I had actually written. I discussed all this in Volume Two, Chapter 2, pp. 38-40, where I had specifically claimed that “Rages”, a city in the mountains, must be the city of Damascus that dominated the province of Batanaea” (p. 39). Damascus, almost 700 m above sea level, is actually situated on a plateau. Secondly, I gave there very specific geographical details in order to identify this “Rages” in relation to “Ecbatana” (Tobit 5:6), which I had in turn identified (following the Heb. Londinii, or HL, fragment version of Tobit) with “Bathania”, or Bashan (possibly Herodotus’ Syrian Ecbatana as opposed to the better known Median Ecbatana). According to Tobit, “Rages is situated in the mountains, two days’ walk from Ecbatana which is in the plain”. Now Damascus is precisely two days’ walk from Bashan in the Hauran plain, as according to Jâkût el-Hamawi who says of Batanaea’s most central town of Nawâ …: “Between Nawa and Damascus is two days’ journey” (as quoted on p. 39). What further consolidates the fact that Tobit’s ‘Ecbatana’ was in a westerly direction, rather than an easterly one, is that his son Tobias, leaving Nineveh, arrived at the Tigris river in the evening; an impossibility were he heading for Median Ecbatana in the east. And, according to the Vulgate version of Tobit, Charan, that is, Haran, is situated “in the halfway” between Nineveh and Ecbatana. The traveller is clearly journeying towards the west. Whilst Bible scholars today tend to dismiss the whole geography of the Book of Tobit as nonsensical, a simple adjustment based on a genuine version (Heb. Londinii), makes perfect - even very precise (“two days walk”) - sense of it. Thirdly, “vague similarities” 3rd examiner: “Vague similarities were used as a means of drawing identical equations. Thus, for example, the use of kohl was found to be a similarity between Jezebel (conventionally dated to 9th century BC) and Nefertiti (conventionally dated to 14th century BC), which was subsequently used to suggest that they were probably the same person. This appeared to make the evidence fit the desired outcome”. My comment: I hardly hung my reconstruction on this small point of the kohl. As part of my primary foundations, 1-3, I had re-located the el-Amarna period (Nefertiti’s age) from the C14th BC to the C9th BC. The 1st examiner, according to whom: “pp. 210-222 – While the equation of Nefertiti with Jezebel is intriguing, I don’t buy it”, had conceded that: “It is a better argument for their contemporaneity rather than identity”. Note here that the 1st examiner was fully aware that my reconstruction of Nefertiti far exceeds (“pp. 210-222”) the mere mention of “kohl” (p. 221). “Kohl” is an element that the seemingly “eye witness” (P. Ellis quote, p. 221) account of Jezebel’s death has included, and it is certainly a notable feature of Nefertiti’s cosmetic make-up. But I intended it merely as just one small piece in a large jigsaw puzzle, or possible Identikit. Now this is a typical ploy of the 3rd examiner, to minimize the evidence I used for a particular reconstruction. Indeed the very same procedure can be found in the following two instances of criticism: (3rd examiner): “Thus, for example, to propose that two Assyrian monarchs, Sargon II and Sennacherib … were not only one and the same person, but also identical with the Babylonian monarch Nebuchadnezzar I, is a simply stunning claim. One needs far more than chronological concurrence (which itself was not convincingly argued for) to make this claim, yet no further convincing grounds were given”. My comments: Apart from the fact that I had previously addressed the ‘dark age’ problem in ‘Middle Assyrian’ history Chapter 6, pp. 130-131, then applying this to Babylonia, Chapter 7, pp. 174-176, I had then begun to bridge the gap between ‘Middle’ and ‘Neo’ Assyrian history. I did this particularly by synchronizing the circumstances of Tukulti-Ninurta I and III, and then making a detailed comparison between Tiglath-pileser I and III, Chapter 7, pp. 181-184, accompanied also by comparisons between the Babylonian Merodach-baladan I and II (whose building works even archaeologists cannot clearly distinguish, p. 179). I also showed that a succession of supposedly C12th BC Elamite kings (known as the ‘Shutrukids’), encountered by Nebuchednezzar I, had virtually the same names as a succession of Elamite kings encountered by Sennacherib. Thus (my Table 1, p. 180): Table 1: Comparison of the C12th BC (conventional) and C8th BC C12th BC · Some time before Nebuchednezzar I, there reigned in Babylon a Merodach-baladan [I]. · The Elamite kings of this era carried names such as Shutruk-Nahhunte and his son, Kudur-Nahhunte. · Nebuchednezzar I fought a hard battle with a ‘Hulteludish’ (Hultelutush-Inshushinak). C8th BC · The Babylonian ruler for king Sargon II’s first twelve years was a Merodach-baladan [II]. · SargonII/Sennacherib fought against the Elamites, Shutur-Nakhkhunte & Kutir-Nakhkhunte. · Sennacherib had trouble also with a ‘Hallushu’ (Halutush-Inshushinak). “Too spectacular I think to be mere coincidence!”, I had remarked. The 1st examiner, as we read, appreciated this. [I also gave art-historical support for this ‘folding’ of eras (p. 181). And I identified, as the same person, a legendary Vizier common to both eras (p. 185-187). On pp. 184-186, I entered into a discussion of Sennacherib as Nebuchednezzar I]. Moreover, my explanation (Sennacherib = Nebuchednezzar I, pp. 184-186) solved the conundrum for the conventional history as to why the proud Sargon II, or Sennacherib, did not - like previous Assyrian conquerors of Babylon - adopt the title: “King of Babylon”, “preferring to use the older shakkanaku (‘viceroy’)” (p. 185). “That modesty however was not an Assyrian characteristic we have already seen abundantly”, I wrote. “And so lacking in this virtue was Sargon in fact, I believe, that historians have had to create a complete Babylonian king, namely, Nebuchednezzar I, to accommodate the Assyrian’s rôle as ‘King of Babylon’.” My point here is again that this construction was built on far more than, according to the 3rd examiner, “chronological concurrence”. Moreover, I was not averse to pointing to certain defects in my own reconstruction (e.g. p. 185, a major problem). And for the actual equation, Sargon II = Sennacherib, a matter of extreme controversy, no doubt, and one therefore requiring detailed attention, I had painstakingly throughout Chapter 6 (1st examiner used the word, “comprehensive”) gone through the successive regnal year events of Sargon II, comparing these with the successive campaign records of Sennacherib, showing that they compared remarkably well: too well, indeed, I thought, to have been mere coincidence. Here is my summary and comment on this (from p. 166): A Question By Way of Summary What are the chances of two successive kings having, in such perfect chronological sequence - over a span of some two decades - the same campaigns against the same enemies? Merodach-baladan (Sargon). Merodach-baladan (Sennacherib). 2. Ellipi, Medes and Tumunu (Sargon). Ellipi, Medes and Tumunu (Sennacherib). 3. Egypt-backed Judah/Philistia (Sargon). Egypt-backed Judah/Philistia (Sennacherib) 4. Merodach-baladan and Elam (Sargon). Merodach-baladan and Elam (Sennacherib). 5. (Not fully preserved) (Sargon). (Not fully preserved) (Sennacherib). 6. Babylon, Elam and Bit-Iakin (Sargon). Babylon, Elam and Bit-Iakin (Sennacherib). 7. Elam (Sargon). Elam (Sennacherib). [End of quote]. (iv) ‘Dark Age’ (paragraph 13); At the beginning of Chapter 6, I resorted to the testimony of Assyriologists re some crucial phases of Dark Age in Assyrian history. I drew some of this information from the book, Centuries of Darkness, by Peter James and other scholars from different fields. Though James is a revisionist, this book (which has a Foreword by Professor/Lord Colin Renshaw, archaeologist) is now being quoted favourably in text books, e.g. by N. Grimal, A History of Ancient Egypt (Blackwell, 1992), p. 440. I continued this discussion of Dark Age into Chapter 7, as noted above, and also returned to it in detail when analyzing the TIP in Chapter 11 and Chapter 12. Here I would like just to take a section out of my Chapter 7, p. 175, re the Kassite archaeology, or lack thereof, to show clearly that there is something seriously wrong with the present structure: It is not I think too much to say that the Kassites are an enigma for the over-extended conventional scheme. Roux has given the standard estimate for the duration of Kassite rule of Babylonia: “… a long line of Kassite monarchs was to govern Mesopotamia or, as they called it, Kar-Duniash for no less than four hundred and thirty-eight years (1595-1157 B.C.)”. This is a substantial period of time; yet archaeology has surprisingly little to show for it. Roux again: Unfortunately, we are not much better off as regards the period of Kassite domination in Iraq … all we have at present is about two hundred royal inscriptions – most of them short and of little historical value – sixty kudurru … and approximately 12,000 tablets (letters and economic texts), less than 10 per cent of which has been published. This is very little indeed for four hundred years – the length of time separating us from Elizabeth 1. [Seton] Lloyd, in his book dedicated to the study of Mesopotamian archaeology [The Archaeology of Mesopotamia] can give only a mere 4 pages [i.e., pp. 172-175] (including pictures) to the Kassites, without even bothering to list them in the book’s Index at the back. [End of quote]. (v) footnotes/aesthetics (paragraphs 14-15) 3rd examiner: “… consistently incorrect use of such terms as ibid. and op. cit.” [para 14], and “consistently redundant use of ellipsis (…) in quotations” [para 15]. My comment: These are matters that can easily be tidied up before the thesis is bound. All three examiners had some comment to make regarding footnotes. Though I can see no other alternative than to using ellipsis - as I have continued to do in this Appendix – when employing only selected parts of a quote.